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The Work of the Council of Europe's Torture CommitteeJim Murdoch 1 Full text available: PDF format * I. The Torture Convention and the Committee for the Prevention of TortureA. IntroductionFor the most part, places of detention in Europe have ceased being places of state-authorized infliction of man's inhumanity to man. Yet physical conditions and institutional regimes of confinement of individuals continue to raise substantive and procedural human rights guarantees. The treatment of detainees, convicted prisoners and confined mental health patients provides a litmus test of the extent to which a State gives precedence to human dignity above practical considerations such as security and good order. Since 1945, several global and regional instruments have attempted to enhance the protection of those deprived of their liberty,2 the most recent (and potentially most significant) of which is the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,3 now in force in 24 Member States of the Council of Europe,4 and shortly to be opened to States which are non-members for accession.5 The Committee for the Prevention of Torture (more usually referred to as the `Torture Committee' or as the `CPT') has published three annual reports, and it is now possible to offer an early and tentative assessment of its operational framework, its attempts at standard-setting, and the extent to which it complements or indeed challenges other Council of Europe initiatives such as the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Prison Rules. The article will not, however, go beyond this: in particular, it will not relate the Convention to other examples of regional or international instruments for the protection of prisoners. The focus will be distinctly European. The task of the CPT is `to examine the treatment of persons deprived of their liberty with a view to strengthening, if necessary, the protection of such persons' from torture, inhuman or degrading treatment,6 that is, in the words of the CPT, to strengthen `the cordon sanitaire that separates acceptable and unacceptable treatment or behaviour'.7 In this respect, `the Torture Committee' is somewhat a misnomer: the focus is upon all aspects of detention, not merely the most extreme which could amount to `torture'. And its operation modifies somewhat the description suggested by the French Foreign Minister, Roland Dumas, of the CPT as les casques bleus des droits de l'homme;8 this stresses its multinational composition but not its modus operandi which is more that of an undercover squad than a high-profile, front-line fighting unit. However, in the present international climate the description does perhaps unwittingly hint at a body charged with a vital task but one calling for more resources than have been provided for the full achievement of objectives. Effectiveness is promoted by two fundamental and inter-related principles, cooperation and confidentiality. When ratifying the Treaty, States agree to a general duty to cooperate with the Committee in its work,9 and more particularly, to permit the Committee to visit `any place within its jurisdiction where persons are deprived of their liberty by a public authority',10 unless there are `exceptional circumstances' justifying the national authorities in making representations against a proposed visit.11 Access implies unlimited access by members, experts and interpreters,12 to any place of detention, unrestricted movement within any place of detention,13 free communication with any person whom it believes may be able to provide information14 (including the right to private interview with any detainee15), and the availability of whatever other information it requires to discharge its tasks.16 `Deprivation of liberty' for the CPT is any de facto restriction on the freedom of movement17 in contrast to the more restrictive interpretation taken in interpreting the European Convention on Human Rights,18 and thus the CPT will not consider the legal status of a `place of detention' unless its status is likely to affect the treatment of inmates, as in the case of a psychiatric institution.19 By and large, access has not posed major problems, although reports suggest that cooperation at ministerial or high civil-service rank invariably is better than that found at the prison or police station; and the greater the assistance at ministerial level, the greater the likelihood of positive reception in prisons or police stations. Obstructions such as delay or denial in according access20 are put down to lack of awareness or understanding of the CPT, and annual reports continue to call for the dissemination of information on its aims and methods.21 The most serious challenge to date to the very principle of free access arose during the preparations for a visit22 when the issues were whether visa requirements could be imposed, and whether reasons for refusing entry to experts and other individuals assisting the CPT need be given.23 Clearly this problem principally arises in the case of Turkey, which still has visa requirements for holders of British and Irish passports. Subsequent inter-governmental discussions led to a working compromise but no firm decision.24 Visits and the subsequent reports to States are surrounded by confidentiality which also extends to any information obtained, discussions during meetings, and recommendations made,25 subject to two exceptions. A State may request publication of the report and any comments it may have on the report,26 and if a State refuses to cooperate or to improve matters in the light of recommendations made, the CPT may decide (after allowing the State the opportunity to make known its views) to make a public statement on the matter.27 The only public statement to date concerned police detention conditions in Turkey, and followed two ad hoc visits in 1990 and 1991 and a periodic visit in 1992. The statement was agreed upon in the face of a direct request to suppress it, and after the views of the Turkish authorities were made known.28 In releasing the statement, the CPT expressed regret at the State's continuing failure to take steps to implement recommendations to deal with the widespread infliction of torture.29 Both the use of the ad hoc visit procedure and the public statement are likely to be infrequent and adopted only in the most exceptional circumstances, and can be taken as symptomatic of severe problems in the `ongoing dialogue' between the CPT and national authorities. The Turkish saga illustrates above all the CPT's nerve, and its ability to follow through its task. However, it may be an atypical experience, as the work of the CPT is likely to be routine, interrupted only rarely by the spectacle of high drama. While initially confidentiality was deemed necessary to secure State cooperation, it has been the Member States themselves that have allowed light to be shed on the inner workings and thoughts of the CPT by generally agreeing to authorize publication of reports of visits. Had this not been so, then what such `routine' entails would only have been hinted at in annual reports,30 and in various addresses and articles by members or experts.31 This general willingness to authorize publication of country reports was perhaps not envisaged by the framers of the Convention, but has been warmly welcomed by the CPT.32 To date, eight of the nine country reports for 1990 and 1991 (that is, all bar the Spanish) and two of the 1992 reports have been published.33 In addition, several governmental responses have been made public, along with two follow up reports.34 Is confidentiality in practice really necessary for cooperation? There may now be some moral pressure on States to authorize publication since otherwise there may be a suggestion that something particularly grim is being hidden. To be sure, publication of visit reports advances the CPT's aims in that information as to workings and approaches dispels the whiff of mystery and consequent suspicion which surrounds any organization whose workings are not properly understood; indeed, States may be prompted into taking action to pre-empt likely CPT criticism after reading what has been found in other countries. But should the Committee continue to wear a cloak of confidentiality, no matter how threadbare? The emphasis in the Convention fails to capture the current mood in prison services generally of encouraging outside awareness and understanding. On the other hand, it may be better to encourage any State which practises torture on a systematic basis to subject itself to CPT scrutiny; it may indeed be unwise for such a State to allow international investigation, but if it does so, is likely to find guarantees of confidentiality to its liking. It may be better to leave the question of publication of country reports to moral pressure rather than amendment by subsequent Protocol. B. The CPT at Work1. Human ResourcesThe considerable burden of visitation, reporting and supervision falls upon the membership of the CPT supported by ad hoc `experts', interpreters, and the permanent Secretariat. The issue of membership is considered more fully in an article which follows this one.35 This has not been without controversy. Briefly, the issues have centred upon how to ensure an orderly renewal of membership as terms of office expire,36 upon the form of decision-making,37 and - more crucially - upon the quality of appointments to the Committee. The choice facing the drafters of the Convention was whether visits should be carried out by members whose appointments could be influenced by national authorities, or, whether they should be made by experts,38 since the burden of visits would be time-consuming,39 and it would be difficult to find members with necessary expertise.40 Those proposing the former believed that this would help ensure State cooperation, and this consideration finally triumphed. Yet the tension between political expediency and functional efficiency has continued. Most of the Committee's members have been male, leading the CPT to encourage the appointment of more women for their `psychological sensitivity and fair-mindedness'.41 Furthermore, just under half of the CPT's initial membership had reached their sixtieth birthday when appointed, although the schedule of visits demands a high degree of physical stamina to cope with the punishing schedule of visits which can last from early in the day to well into the night. More crucially, there is no easy way in practice to ensure that nomination or selection of individual members is restricted to those with the necessary occupational backgrounds, or that the collective composition of the Committee is genuinely multi-disciplinary. Some appointments have raised questions of ability and qualifications. Putting it bluntly, `analysis of the composition of [visiting delegations to countries] suggests that not all Torture Committee members are considered to be equally valuable to conduct inspections'.42 The CPT has called for more doctors and experts in penitentiary systems to be appointed,43 although some greater degree of coordination of Member States' nominations seems to be in hand.44 Occupational backgrounds are dominated by law, medicine, politics, and the civil service, although it has been questioned whether a public service background is really appropriate, bearing in mind the need to stress the independence and impartiality of membership.45 This point, however, is met in other ways. A procedural rule designed to alleviate any appearance of bias provides that the `national' member does not take part in any visit to his own State.46 Whatever the final intention of the drafters, the CPT has not been slow to make use of its power to appoint part-time `experts'47 to assist with training, develop resource materials48 and, more controversially, participate in visits. Here, the CPT seems uncertain as to their proper role: whether the giving of limited and restricted guidance to members,49 or as near-equals and substitutes making good missing but necessary expertise, and thus extending the role of `expert' beyond that originally intended.50 One expert has described his position as `ambiguous', with a `wide divergence between a strict interpretation of [the Convention] and the practice of the Committee' in that visiting delegations often make considerable use of experts, even to the extent of authorizing them to interview inmates alone.51 Up to three experts can accompany delegations whose median size (including members, experts and Secretariat staff) is only seven. Beyond deciding that, `as a rule', experts should not assist delegations visiting States of which they are a national,52 the issue has been left somewhat in limbo. It concerns means versus ends: the de facto expert-member is currently a vital ingredient in ensuring effectiveness. On the other hand, any development of a new corpus of standards governing places of detention by the CPT raises questions as to whose standards are in reality being applied, since the exact scope of expert influence is not clear. The CPT can claim neither the authority of a judicial body, as can the European Court of Human Rights, nor of a politically-responsive body, as can the Consultative Assembly and the Committee of Ministers in differing ways. It may still be important to disguise the substance of practice behind the legitimacy of form. The Secretariat in these circumstances provides backbone to a disparate and constantly changing membership assisted by part-time experts. The rather low initial staffing level, comprising a Committee Secretary, an Administrative Official, and three support staff, was simply insufficient for the Committee to achieve effectiveness,53 and lobbying has virtually doubled this provision.54 Yet resources continue to lag behind requirements. A recurrent theme in all three annual reports has been the curtailment of the programme of visits because of a shortage of Secretariat personnel.55 Furthermore, reports to countries are currently being transmitted some nine months after the conclusion of a visit, rather than within the target of six months, largely due to a `bottleneck of work' within the Secretariat.56 The level of manpower has barely been sufficient to get the CPT up and running. The aim is to have each State receive a visit every two years,57 with reports being forwarded within six months of each visit,58 and follow-up reports and information to be forwarded to and considered by the CPT. This is fundamental if the continuous or `ongoing dialogue' between Committee and States is to be achieved, and the preventive nature of the work of the CPT is to succeed. In this, the position of the Secretariat is pivotal. The great risk is that the Committee does not proceed beyond the tasks of inspection and reporting: that it has no time to follow-up and to reflect. Yet it will have taken some four years (rather than the three first envisaged) to carry out the first round of visits to all Member States, and the dialogue with States through follow-up reports is but beginning. The decision not to appoint full-time experts and members is being felt most acutely. However, without additional resources Secretariat overload is on the cards. 2. Visits to Places of DetentionVisits to countries may either be periodic or ad hoc. Ad hoc visits are made if these `appear to [the CPT] to be required in the circumstances',59 and thus give the Committee some flexibility in responding to situations which call for additional or prompt investigation. To date, two such visits have been made to Turkey, and one to Northern Ireland. Otherwise, there is little in the Convention to give guidance as to the carrying out of visits,60 and initially there was some readiness to modify and to rewrite rules of procedure in the light of experience.61 The first schedule of visits was determined by drawing lots,62 but how countries will be chosen in future once the first round of visits has been completed in 1993 has still to be decided. With the exception of Hungary, the countries to be visited in 1994 have all been visited before. One of the intended visits is a follow-up visit to Turkey; another is a visit to the United Kingdom postponed from 1993. Notification to States has something of the form of a ritual. The countries to be visited are announced at the end of the preceding year63 and made public by a press release which is intended to trigger the receipt of information from non-governmental organizations. The second, more formal, notification comes about two weeks before the start of the visit and contains details of the composition of the delegation and requests for meetings to be arranged. However, a deliberate attempt is made to retain an element of surprise, and the CPT will disclose the names of some of the institutions to be visited only a few days before arrival. The choice of establishment is likely to be determined by the particular issue or issues the CPT is pursuing at the particular time, and is certainly influenced by communications received from non-governmental organizations. The CPT's `staple diet' continues to be detentions in police custody and prisons, but the 1991 report gave notice that in future years its agenda will include detention of the mentally ill, aliens and minors,64 and in 1992 health care services in prison were also examined.65 Depending upon the size of the country, a visit will last between one and two weeks,66 with the delegation consisting of between five and nine individuals drawn from the membership, experts and Secretariat staff, plus additional interpreters if required.67 Visits start with meetings with ministers and high-ranking government officials, followed by discussions with relevant non-governmental organizations.68 The delegation then splits up and visits separate places of detention but will meet up on a regular basis to share observations. The CPT is free to interview any persons deprived of their liberty in private, subject only to the right of national authorities to make representations against such interviews on grounds inter alia of medical condition or urgent interrogation relating to a serious crime.69 How inmates are chosen to meet with delegations is not discussed in reports and practice obviously varies.70 The CPT does not consider it acceptable to transfer certain detainees prior to an announced visit,71 and indeed it may be appropriate to arrange an ad hoc visit in order to interview a particular individual.72 Before departure, the delegation will hold a final series of meetings with ministers and officials at which `some tentative first impressions' are given.73 Such observations are informal unless the CPT decides to `immediately communicate observations to the competent authorities'74 as it has done on at least two occasions, where it deemed it necessary to highlight concern at holding conditions calling for urgent action.75 The `common working tools' (that is information on institutions, practices, and techniques for conducting visits which the CPT is building up)76 in part encourages the involvement of third parties and the promotion of an `ongoing dialogue' with State authorities. Several devices are utilized in drilling for knowledge. First, information can be requested from State authorities on places of detention77 or in relation to other matters `necessary for the Committee to carry out its task',78 and country reports invariably request further knowledge from State authorities on local procedures and practices and substantive law. These should perhaps be seen not as indications of lack of preparation or insufficient thoroughness during missions, but as attempts by it to prompt domestic investigation and dialogue with the CPT. Second, the CPT has the right `to communicate freely with any person whom it believes can supply relevant information'.79 The extent to which persons deprived of their liberty make contact is not discussed in any of the annual reports, but the CPT has suggested in a country report that the authorities should consider adding the President of the CPT to the approved list of persons to whom prisoners' letters are to be forwarded without examination.80 Finally, the CPT has established working relations with national human rights pressure groups and other international institutions.81 Each of these provides the CPT with fruitful sources of information,82 sources which are set to increase as knowledge and understanding of the CPT grows.83 The CPT can also be used as a device for furthering the lot of detainees in indirect ways. Prison officers may voice criticisms of prison management while both groups in turn may target ministers and officials; and the government department responsible for prisons may find an adverse report from the CPT of assistance in promoting its case for greater funding. Indeed, visits from the CPT may be positively welcome.84 The CPT appears to be willing to play along if this may improve conditions.85 The end result is a kaleidoscope of impressions and observations which are pulled together into a report containing findings, requests for information, and recommendations for action. An outline report prepared by the delegation's head will be discussed before the delegation leaves the country, and responsibility for drafting the various sections will be allocated.86 Here, again, the involvement and influence of the experts are likely to be as great as those of the members.87 The report is expected to be completed without delay so that it can be discussed, finalized and adopted in a plenary session, thereby ensuring its transmission to national authorities within six months.88 Thereafter, the `ongoing dialogue' is encouraged by requesting the State to give an account of any legislative and administrative measures and any implementation of recommendations made, through an interim report and then a final report within six and twelve months respectively.89 It is perhaps too early a stage for any assessment of how States are responding in practice since so few of the follow-up reports have been published. However the CPT has expressed general satisfaction with these follow-up reports, which suggests that recommendations are being carefully studied.90 In turn, the CPT will respond with its own observations91 although there does not seem to be any provision in the Convention permitting these comments to be made public.
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