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The Dayton Agreements and International LawV. States' constitutional organizationThe new Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and HerzegovinaTwo features of this Constitution deserve to be emphasized: its international origin and its far-reaching openness to international demands. As for the first feature, it should be recalled that the Constitution was negotiated at Dayton and accepted by the Parties concerned (the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska) by means of three distinct declarations, which however had a similar tenor. It is unclear whether legally speaking these three declarations should be regarded as elements of an international agreement, or whether they are instead to be viewed as separate unilateral acts.30 However, it is beyond dispute that the constitutional law-making process was unmistakably anomalous.31 For, in this case the constitutional Charter of an existing State was drafted and agreed upon in an international forum and subsequently entered into force by virtue of international transactions: as pointed out above, the Constitution was negotiated at international level by the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina with on one side two insurrectional groups and on the other a group of foreign States. It is indeed no coincidence that the Constitution was drafted in English and not in the three languages of the peoples concerned.32 In short, the Constitution is not the outcome of an `internal' constitution-making process. Nor has it been the upshot of a totally `external' process either, as is often the case with those States that have forfeited their sovereign rights following debellatio as well as with many colonial countries acceding to independence: unlike these last cases, the new Constitution originates from a law-making process in which the authorities of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina did participate. Nor can the hammering out of the Constitution at issue be equated with the conclusion of an international treaty setting out the Constitution of a federal State. Indeed, in the past some constitutional documents have resulted from an agreement among a number of sovereign States. By contrast, in the case of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina we are faced with a compact made by an existing and internationally recognized State with insurrectional groups wielding de facto control over part of the territory of that State. The new Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is also interesting in a second respect, namely from the viewpoint of its openness towards the international legal system. It is a Constitution ranking among those showing a great degree of what has been termed `friendliness to international law'.33 In other words, it is a Constitution attaching great importance to international legal rules and principles,34 with special emphasis on international standards on human rights. Thus, for instance, the Preamble refers to the `purposes and principles of the United Nations' and lays down the pledge `to ensure full respect for international humanitarian law' and to uphold international instruments on human rights.35 Among the various constitutional provisions proclaiming respect for internationally recognized human rights, attention should in particular be drawn to Article II, para. 2, whereby the `rights and freedoms set forth in the European Convention for the protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its Protocols shall apply directly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These shall have priority over all other law'.36 It is also notable that Article X, para. 2, makes all the constitutional provisions on human rights non-amendable by constitutional process.37 In addition, no one can question the significance of the provisions elevating to a constitutional obligation the duty to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.38 Concluding remarksBy way of conclusion I would make four points. First, the Dayton Agreements undoubtedly find their basic underpinning in two political factors: on the one side, the will of all the parties concerned to put an end to bloodshed and devastation and, on the other side, the keen desire of the United States Government to exercise its political leadership in a serious European crisis thus achieving a resounding diplomatic success. Second, the engrained hatred among the conflicting parties, as well as the inherent difficulties of a lasting political settlement made it necessary to strengthen the agreements concluded at Dayton by a set of international guarantees, operating at various levels: those pledged by Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the military enforcement mechanisms provided by the presence of IFOR, the whole apparatus for civilian implementation headed by the High Representative, the sanctionary mechanism contemplated in Security Council resolution 1022. These various `layers' of guarantees should ensure actual observance of the whole web of substantive provisions making up the Dayton Agreements. Third, the political factors and practical difficulties just mentioned have found their reflection at the legal level. As I have tried to show above, the agreements exhibit unique legal features: these include the modalities of making of the Agreements and of their entering into force, the special relation between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republika Srpska at the stage of treaty-making, the authority in the area of treaty interpretation, the legal personality of insurgents, and the constitutional law-making process. Fourth, the setting up of a complex web of treaty engagements and enforcement mechanisms does not however entail that a lasting peaceful settlement has been achieved. In the final analysis, the success or failure of the Dayton Accord turns on a number of factors: the political will of Bosnian Croats and Muslims actually to build up the envisaged Federation, the readiness of Bosnian Serbs to accept submission to the central authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to remain part of a sovereign State, the degree to which Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia are prepared to exercise their political influence over the various factions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the extent to which the IFOR Commander and the High Representative are willing to exercise the sweeping powers with which they have been endowed. The Dayton Accord has put a whole `legal weaponry' at the disposal of the parties concerned; it now falls to them to translate all these legal potentialities into reality.
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