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Book ReviewsMendlovitz, Saul and Burns H. Weston (eds.). Preferred Futures for
the United Nations. New York: Transnational Publishers, 1995. Pp. ix, 505.
Index. $75. It is not fashionable today to promote a movement for a just world
order. Suggesting, however, that a reformed United Nations should play a
central part in a project aimed at humane global governance will probably
situate you somewhere between the stern adherents to utopian world order
fantasies, post Second World War idealists and 1970s world economic enthusiasts
- in other words, beyond the pale. In an intellectual climate where cynicism
and timidity mixes with hard-balled pragmatism to create a shoulder-shrugging
malaise, the editors of this volume remain unintimidated and unconvinced. On
the occasion of the United Nations 50th anniversary, they organized
a symposium at the University of Iowa, with the aim of undertaking a
fundamental reconsideration of the United Nations. As the sole
intergovernmental institution with global jurisdiction authorized to address
the entire human rights agenda, the UN has the potential, according to the
authors, to be the institutional centrepiece of a system of humane global
governance. The selection of articles reproduced in this volume formed the
preparatory reading for the symposium. With David Kennedy's `A New World Order: Yesterday, Today, and
Tomorrow', the book begins with a sceptic's perspective: every now and again a
new generation of international law enthusiasts enters the scene and criticizes
the mainstream with the same set of renewable ideas, stylizing themselves as
mavericks, just as their predecessors did. The question, however, is not what
will further the international order, but which `international' to further.
Kennedy favours an international melting into the local, focusing on the order
that structures civil society within and among states and showing an interest
in particular redistributional struggles, rather than misunderstanding the
support for the international order as a substitute for substantive political
choices. The UN has no privileged role to play. From the perspective of liberal international relations theory,
Anne-Marie Slaughter reconceives the UN as a forum for global governance as
opposed to the realist idea of a great power alliance or the legalist
conception of a nascent world government. The central point is that states are
not unitary, identical actors with identical interests. Instead, states'
interests are a function of the process of state preference formation, which
the UN can help to shape. The state is conceived as desegregated, distinct
institutions performing specific (legislative, executive, judicial)
governmental functions, each of which interacts with individuals and groups
that are part of transitional society. It makes a difference whether a state is
democratic or not. Important implications include redrawing boundaries between
what is of concern and what is a question of domestic jurisdiction and
refocusing funding priorities. In other essays, Hilary Charlesworth describes a future for the UN from
a feminist perspective. Richard A. Falk provides a highly critical assessment
of the role of the UN in establishing the Rule of Law in international affairs.
Björne Hettne writes about the role of the new regionalism in UN conflict
management. Additionally, there are articles about reforming the UN to
eliminate war, to secure human rights, to eradicate poverty and maldevelopment
and to ensure environmentally-sustainable development. Finally, the Appendix
includes a draft memorial in support of the application by the World Health
Organization for an Advisory Opinion by the International Court of Justice on
the legality of the use of nuclear weapons under international law. Mattias Kumm Harvard Law School
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